“A process where everyone feels a sense of equal citizenship—from their language to their culture and beliefs—will provide Türkiye with its greatest leap forward. As Demirtaş said, we should meet at an Amedspor-Trabzonspor match in Diyarbakır. I do not view the resolution commission as a place where my future is negotiated, nor will I allow it to be seen as such. We will continue to support the process.”

One of the most dramatic political developments of 2025 for Türkiye was undoubtedly the arrest and removal from office of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) Mayor and presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu. He has been in Silivri for over nine months... His photos were removed from billboards in Istanbul, access to his social media accounts from Türkiye was blocked multiple times, and everything necessary was done—and is still being done—to ensure he is forgotten. The government often did not even feel the need to hide that one element of their political engineering regarding the CHP was for the party leadership to abandon İmamoğlu to his fate. However, at the last convention, CHP Chair Özgür Özel challenged this by essentially subordinating his ‘Shadow Cabinet’ to the Presidential Candidate Office.

While all this was happening, İmamoğlu continued to have his say in all major public debates. He demonstrates almost every day that he has no intention of fading into the background. I don’t often propose interviews to politicians who speak on a daily basis. However, in this specific timeframe—before the trials begin—I thought that an in-depth interview with Ekrem İmamoğlu on foreign policy and the Kurdish issue (topics he might have less opportunity to discuss later) would leave a valuable text for the archives. And indeed, it did.

When writing to Ekrem Bey (as no other way is possible under these conditions), I realized I had never interviewed him before, either while he was out or after he was imprisoned. If we could have spoken face-to-face, you would surely be reading something quite different. However, in this first interview, you will notice that his pen is as powerful as his eloquence.

A careful reader will catch that there are a few questions he answered while actually leaving them unanswered. He mentions between the lines that he is preparing to give the real answers to those matters in court.

His reference to political scientist Samuel Huntington’s "waves of democratization" thesis while analyzing the state of the global order is noteworthy. İmamoğlu’s words—“History is like a pendulum. Today, this pendulum is moving toward a place where the dark sides of human nature are prominent. Thanks to us and those who think like us, the pendulum will surely change direction in the near future”—are a manifestation of an ambition, not just a wish.

His reference to İsmet Özel’s poem “Salty Water in My Flask” while describing his comradeship with Özgür Özel could well be interpreted as a stone thrown at the opposing camp.

While he does not flatly reject comparisons to President Erdoğan, he believes that Erdoğan’s inability to tolerate him—which he believes to be true—stems from their differences, not their similarities.

Because he provided many headlines, I wouldn't want this to get lost in the middle. I believe this valuable sentence he constructed for the resolution of the Kurdish issue will be reminded to him and his party when the time comes:

“A process where every citizen feels equal citizenship—from their language to their culture, from their beliefs to their traditions—will provide Türkiye with its greatest leap forward.”

“My candidacy definitely continues”

“An election in which İmamoğlu cannot compete would be an election where the President’s legitimacy ends”

“If they are dreaming of 400 members of parliament, they will wait a long time”

Q: CHP Chair Özgür Özel has insisted for nine months that you are the party's presidential candidate, but some of his statements suggest he sees that this may not be legally possible. In one statement touching on alternative scenarios, he said: “In the event that Ekrem İmamoğlu cannot be a presidential candidate, Mansur Yavaş is seen as the strongest candidate; he surpasses Erdoğan in the polls.” Are you also at the point of accepting that your candidacy for the next election is in jeopardy? I ask this by reminding you that the Ergenekon trial, as an example of a political case, lasted 6 years.

First of all, I would like to start by underlining one point: The Republican People's Party is the most transparent political party in Türkiye, one that says what it sees, feels what it says, and is most open toward our nation. In other words, we do not "give anything away"; we always share what we know and see with our nation for the sake of our country.

The diploma case is one of the greatest black marks our legal history has ever seen. The state opens a quota; I submit my documents in full and gain the right to transfer. Forget the undergraduate degree, I even completed a master’s degree at the same university. While doing all this, I trusted the institutions and the justice of the state. As a 19-year-old youth, if we don't trust the state’s announcement, documents, and approval, who are we supposed to trust, for heaven’s sake? We always knew the state to be reliable; we learned that it protects its citizens, the young and the old alike. But unfortunately, today a handful of ambitious people are trying to take away my 35-year-old diploma by abusing our state's judiciary and institutions. It seems that when you become a presidential candidate, they want to make what is "halal" (permissible/rightful) into "haram" (forbidden/wrongful). This conspiracy is a clear stain. It is not just my rights that are at stake, but the honor, dignity, and reliability of the state’s judiciary and institutions. We will not, God willing, allow this black mark to be smeared onto our political history and legal values.

As for the matter of candidacy, I did not become a presidential candidate by my own will, but by the will of 15.5 million citizens. The nation gives the authority, and the nation takes it back. The diploma case has not yet concluded. My candidacy continues in a definite manner. However, whatever the result, the Republican People's Party will fulfill its duty to our nation to establish the nation’s rule. My Chair Özgür Özel and Mayor Mansur Yavaş, with whom I am honored to be comrades, are important assets for Türkiye. The Republican People's Party is a party of such quality and caliber that it can produce many presidential candidates. Believe me, we have no anxiety about who will be the candidate! However, I am very curious about how those in power will overcome the term limit condition in our Constitution. If he insists on candidacy, he should not have harmed the will of our 15.5 million people; he should not have been afraid to face me at the ballot box.

If they are dreaming of 400 members of parliament, they will wait a long time. Let them know that we are waiting with excitement and eagerness for the day the referendum ballot box is placed before the nation. An election in which Ekrem İmamoğlu cannot participate, in which he cannot compete freely, would be an election where the President’s legitimacy ends. It would turn into an election where tens of millions become candidates in place of Ekrem İmamoğlu.

“When we come to power, our priority will be those victimized most by this government: low-income earners, retirees, women, and youth”

Q: Let’s continue with the assumption that the cases against you do not last as long as feared and that you are exonerated… Let’s imagine a scenario where you can enter the 2028 elections (or a possible 2027 election) as a candidate competing against Erdoğan. If you were to promise three concrete things to the public in your election campaign, what would they be? And in what timeframe would you promise to achieve these?

First, let me state this: Following the results of the 2023 elections, together with my friends from my party and my close working team, we decided not to remain spectators to things proceeding as they used to and to quickly make comprehensive preparations for the next elections. In this framework, while taking steps to prepare our party for the 2028 elections, we also began to take an "X-ray" of all of Türkiye’s fundamental problems and develop policy proposals to solve them. You know the result of the steps we took in the party: Following the change in management, we became the leading party by a wide margin in the 2024 local elections and, according to all reliable public opinion polls, we continue to be the leading party. Our work on how Türkiye should be governed began immediately after the 2023 elections. By coming together with hundreds of experts and academics, we developed proposals and projecs that will bring permanent solutions to Türkiye’s problems. Our work continues under the roof of the Presidential Candidate Office. What I mean is, we have been working since 2023. We know Türkiye’s problems and how it should be governed. We are ready to govern Türkiye. We are just waiting for the elections.

From our first day in power, we will of course take steps to provide some relief to those most victimized by the current government, especially low-income earners, retirees, youth, and women. However, I want everyone to be sure of this; we will spend Türkiye’s time not just to apply "band-aids" to our problems, but to solve them permanently. If I answer your question from this perspective, I would place justice, the economy, and education as the top three areas where we must take urgent action and develop permanent solutions through radical reforms.

In this context, from the first day—even the first hour—we come to power, we will take action to re-establish justice in this country and make our judiciary independent and impartial once again. On the first day in power, in my first speech, I will address our judges and prosecutors and say: “We are protecting the state of law and the rule of law. When making your decisions, let there be no other reference than the laws and your conscience!” We will not just stop at speaking, of course. To make the judiciary independent and justice accessible, we will change the structure of the Council of Judges and Prosecutors (HSK) and put an end to the practice of changing the duty locations of judges and prosecutors while trials are ongoing.

The deepest problem of our country is poverty. No member of our nation deserves to live below the hunger line. Again, from the first day we come to power, we will start working to create a citizenship income program where our retirees, minimum wage earners, and no family will remain below the hunger line.

Furthermore, from the first day we come to power, we will work to make industry the backbone of prosperity, employment, and development once again, and to revive the production economy. We will strive not only to revive production but also to make it innovative. To make all sectors of the economy, starting with industry, innovative, productive, and sustainable, we will establish the Presidency of Science, Technology, and Innovation, the Türkiye National Development Fund, and the Türkiye Breakthrough Office.

Today everyone accepts this; in the current state of the world, without knowledge and without science, countries and states cannot be strong and resilient. Moving from this, education will be the first area we address as soon as we come to power. Our promise in education is this: We will make qualified education free and free education qualified everywhere in Türkiye; we will provide our children with high-quality, free education that provides skills alongside knowledge. We will not view education as an ideological battleground. We will make state schools the best schools in the country once again.

“What we are experiencing now is the third reverse wave of democracy, but change is not far away”

“Türkiye will be one of the pioneers of the new wave of democracy in the world”

Q: I want to ask because you always emphasize a management approach that prioritizes a democratic, pluralistic view and personal rights and freedoms. While proposing politics on the assumption that values are the "valid currency" at the international level is a morally correct place to be, doesn't it somehow contradict the reality of the 2020s?

The American political scientist Huntington has a famous theory: “Waves of Democracy.” The world’s democracy adventure is similar to sea water receding for certain periods and then hitting the shore. Accordingly, three waves of democracy in the world have been met with two reverse waves. The first wave of democracy continued with the American and French revolutions; the first reverse wave that followed was the rise of Mussolini to power in Italy.

The second wave of democracy occurred in the 1945-1960 period following World War II; the reverse wave that followed was defined as the years when military governments took power. Huntington claimed in his book published in 1991 that the third wave of democracy began with the 1974 Portuguese revolution. However, he did not mention a third reverse wave in the book. Because according to him, the global process would remove all obstacles before democracy, the economic market would liberalize, and people would be liberated. But it could not happen that way. In my opinion, what we are currently experiencing is the third reverse wave of democracy. Let's look at the global level. The Arab Spring at the beginning of the 2010s, the actual war occurring right in the heart of Europe for nearly 4 years, the global migration crisis, the Brexit process, the genocide committed by Israel in Gaza and the war extending to Lebanon, Iran, and even Syria, the USA being governed in such an unpredictable manner throughout its history... And of course, Türkiye moving further away from democracy and, relatedly, from human rights, the state of law, and transparency every passing day... Our report card in international indices is getting worse every day.

Our country wakes up to a different "operation" every day. Thousands of people are held inside for political reasons. As a presidential candidate, I have been held captive for exactly 10 months with an indictment that is far from reality and law, prepared in haste with the false statements of slanderers and conspiracies. Mr. Selahattin Demirtaş has been held in prison for exactly 10 years. Is there any segment left in our country that hasn't been subjected to the oppression of this administration?

Despite all this pessimistic picture, I am not hopeless. On the contrary, I see the light at the end of the tunnel. At the end of every reverse democracy wave, a wave of democracy has also occurred in the world. Surely, administrations that prioritize democracy, pluralism, and individual rights and freedoms will have a say. Change is not far away!

Yes, the reality of the 2020s may not be defending these values. However, politics shapes society. Our fundamental goal is to ensure the existence of a democratic, social state of law based on human rights. Therefore, our primary duty is to make unifying, embracing statements, not to polarize, and not to give up on human rights and freedoms under any circumstances. We will build the Türkiye in our dreams all together. We will decide together and work together for a just and equal society. Türkiye will be among the pioneers of the new wave of democracy in the world.

“If there is no trust in the state, the country is under great risk”

“Türkiye can increase its security, its respectability, and its sphere of influence through value politics”

Q: While even the European Union, which positioned itself as the cradle of ‘value politics’ from the second half of the 20th century until the recent period, has surrendered to a harsh realism and pushed its values to the background, can Türkiye—remaining in the middle of active wars—manage to ensure its security through value politics?

You are right. At the point the international system has reached today, diplomacy and values have taken a significant hit. We are living in a period where international law is worn down, where military force is applied much more easily, and we see the results of this in Ukraine, Palestine, and Venezuela. The United Nations, under the control of great powers, has been rendered ineffective. The European states, which have been the strongest defenders of rights, law, and justice, are divided within themselves and lack the political will, vision, and military capacity to change this trend.

So why, under these conditions, do we defend value politics, democracy, justice, and the rule of law?

First of all, let’s start here: Value politics practiced without a strong state, a ready army, and an effective foreign policy faces the threat of not being able to go beyond beautiful words. Nations that stand out with their values must be strong. At the same time, value politics is not a "showcase"; it is an approach directly related to security. Can stability and security be ensured in a place where human dignity is trampled, where rights are violated, where economic development cannot be provided, and where the sense of justice is abolished? The basic assumption of the system established after World War II was that this would not be possible. So is there a reason for us to change this assumption today? I think not. In certain periods of history, those with power have been able to oppress those without. Today, we are going through such a period both in Türkiye and in the world. History is like a pendulum. Today, this pendulum is moving toward a place where the dark sides of human nature are prominent. Thanks to us and those who think like us, the pendulum will surely change direction in the near future and we will rebuild together an era in which reason, science, and the highest values of humanity take the lead. I believe this from the heart.

Therefore, Türkiye can increase its security, its respectability, and its sphere of influence through value politics. But we must supplement this politics by developing the defense industry, intelligence, cyber security, critical infrastructure resilience, disaster, and energy security internally. If this capacity does not exist, "value" politics remains only in discourse. Furthermore, the strengthening of peace and democracy internally reduces polarization and increases social resilience. Countries whose people cling to each other as a whole become successful. My basic thesis is this: we are now in the age of resilience, and we must increase our country’s resilience.

It must not be forgotten that no country, including great powers, can provide its security alone. Türkiye’s geography has made alliances and partnerships even more critical. Value politics makes it easier to establish partnerships and alliances; it increases trust between existing partners. Despite all negativities, actors who want to balance the negative trend are also on the field at the same time. What we need to do is to create a long-term common attitude and language with countries that want to uphold the order based on rules and law within international organizations. To combine the language of security with law, predictability, internal peace, and democratic values. This combination will give value politics its real weight. I believe Türkiye will be one of the countries in the position of pioneering value politics and protecting international law in the world. The legitimate ground that will be formed with value politics also increases trust in politics, institutions, the judiciary, and the entire state organization in the eyes of society. Let’s not forget that every country where this trust is not established is under a very large risk. With its social structure, diversity, and geopolitical position, the most fundamental fact is that Türkiye will build the most permanent and strong security policies through value politics.

“It is easy to say ‘the EU is finished,’ but the need for compliance with the standards produced by the EU does not end”

“We want to be at the table while Europe is establishing its new order”

Q: Both the CHP and actually the AKP government continue to give messages as if Türkiye’s full membership to the EU is still possible. However, we all know that at the point reached, this does not seem very possible. Let’s say that the CHP came to power as you hoped and quickly put Türkiye back on the membership route… Will the EU still have a meaning in the 2030s, such that this is still the CHP’s most prominent political argument?

Yes, Türkiye’s membership negotiations have practically frozen. This is true. But legally and institutionally, Türkiye is still within the full membership process. Candidate country status continues. The negotiation framework stands. The Customs Union and intensive sector integration are already functioning. What does giving up on this long journey gain us? Giving up would be for Türkiye to give up a significant lever in its relations with European countries with its own hands. One should think of the membership goal as an anchor. The rule of law, institutional quality, market trust, investment environment, education, and science ecosystem. These are all reforms we need to realize. The EU route connects these to a measurable set of standards. And there is this fact; our country’s economy is practically connected with Europe. Its largest trade partner, investment source, technology, and standard ecosystem is Europe. Financing cost, the composition of exports, production chains, companies' compliance burden... It is easy to say “the EU is finished.” But the need for compliance with the standards produced by the EU does not end. Therefore, the EU journey is a process for us that supports our development policies, is compatible with our vision of democracy and law, and provides us with a wider playing field and opportunities from an economic and diplomatic perspective. Therefore, the goal of full membership to the EU continues for us. Despite all the troubles we experience in our country, I think that advancing our relations with the EU will provide mutual benefit. I conveyed these views both orally and in writing to the EP Türkiye Rapporteur Nacho Sanchez Amor, who recently met with me in Silivri.

Secondly, the EU is of course not the post-Cold War EU. That period is over. The enthusiasm for enlargement, the optimism for unlimited liberalization, and the years of increasing prosperity where security was pushed to the background are not coming back. In this sense, the “old EU” no longer exists. But to say “the meaning of the EU is finished” is another claim. I cannot say I agree with this view. Today's EU is more geopolitical, more security-oriented, more selective, more regulatory. Europe is also trying to develop a new security concept in the world’s new situation. We think that Türkiye should establish a strong relationship with Europe as a part of this new concept as well. We should be close to Europe not just through the EU but through new security needs. The EU is trying to be a game-changer in areas such as climate policies, digital rules, competition law, supply chain security, carbon adjustment at the border, state aids, and defense industry cooperation. These rules do not remain only within the EU. Türkiye’s exports, capital flows, industrial standards, and company compliance are directly affected. Even if the EU cannot be effective politically, its capacity to produce regulation does not end. Türkiye remaining within this regulation field is compatible with our interests.

Therefore, with the awareness of the fact that the EU has changed, Türkiye should also rebuild its relation order with this changing Europe. Our goal is not just to walk through the door, but to be at the table where the rules are formed. We can be in very useful cooperations in many areas with the EU that are in Türkiye's interest. Updating the Customs Union, visa liberalization, green transformation compliance, digital and data regimes, defense and supply chain partnerships... These are areas where the EU will be meaningful in the 2030s. The CHP defends EU membership as an anchor that raises the country’s internal capacity and a strategy that makes Türkiye compatible with Europe's new rules. It must be noted in an absolute manner that the Türkiye desired by us as the CHP will also be one of the locomotive and leading countries of Europe in the EU of the 2030s with the gains it will obtain and its existing capabilities.

“Israel knows that the price for targeting Türkiye directly would be heavy; the real risk is in the Syrian field”

Q: Do you see the possibility of Israel directly targeting Türkiye as a real possibility?

The military and political price of Israel targeting Türkiye would be very heavy. Israel knows best that this country’s historical, military, and social accumulation is deeper than any other country in the region. Looking at recent developments, I think the real risk lies more in some contact areas than in a scenario like a direct declaration of war. Syria is the primary field where there is a risk of this happening. Airspace, proxy elements, intelligence activities, targeted operations. An attack approaching the Turkish border, affecting the region where Turkish elements are located, increases the possibility of misreading and miscalculation. Sea areas, energy lines, and the cyber field are also headings where tension could overflow. Therefore, our foreign policy should be equipped in a way that ensures we are ready as if conflict will break out tomorrow, taking every possibility into account. Preparation increases deterrence. Diplomacy controls escalation and tension. In practice, this means doing two things at the same time. First, keeping the defense and intelligence capacity alive. Second, keeping crisis communication channels open. The way to manage this tension is to carry out preparation and diplomacy simultaneously.

I must remind you that many foreign policy crises our country is experiencing today stem from many erroneous relationship definitions made sequentially for over 15 years, and applications that have lost their institutionalism, become internal policy material, and are stuck in personal relationships.

We are Türkiye. We are not like any country or any nation around us. Hopefully, when we come to power, as a Türkiye with a state whose strong and democratic capacity has developed, a ready army, an economy based on solid foundations, and most importantly, a nation clinging to each other, we will become a country that cannot be easily threatened by any state. The approach needed in the 21st century of the principle “Peace at home, peace in the world” will carry us to a much more effective and reputable position.

“The Kurdish issue is not only a matter of security but also a matter of democracy”

Q: MHP Chair Devlet Bahçeli made strong sentences in his party's group meeting last week confirming that a ‘Terror-free Türkiye’ was started exactly with these security concerns. Aside from the disarmament of the PKK, if Türkiye does not solve the Kurdish issue and—in Bahçeli’s jargon—“cannot consolidate its internal peace,” is it facing a real risk of division in your opinion?

Our nation is a nation that is clinging to each other with Turkish, Kurdish, Sunni, and Alevi bonds of heart, realizing kinship, neighborliness, and friendship in its most beautiful form. No one can break the brotherhood of the people of these lands. However, there will always be external focuses attempting to show hostility to Türkiye, threatening its security inside and outside, and trying to reach for the peace of our nation. For these reasons, Mr. Bahçeli’s call is an extremely correct but incomplete and late statement. The Kurdish issue is the issue of not only Kurds but of all of Türkiye. The Kurdish issue is not only a matter of security but also a matter of democracy. The Kurdish issue is not only a security issue; it is at its core a matter of democracy and unity of destiny. The way for Türkiye to be a democratic country passes through the Kurdish issue being solved in a fair, permanent, state-level, and legal ground.

The security threat our country is experiencing is much larger than what we see today, and a duty falls on all of us to eliminate this great threat. Our world is being dragged into a great unknown, rulelessness, and deep dangers in the grip of major fractures, economic uncertainty, threats of war, and possible humanitarian crises. The actual conflict threats and diplomatic crises intensifying from the Middle East to Africa, from the Black Sea to the Eastern Mediterranean, from Southeast Asia to Latin America, and even to the North Pole inform us that very difficult days will be experienced until the end of the old but the rise of the new.

The international legal order, which has not been able to respond to Israel's massacres, is practically at death's door in Venezuela.

Mr. Trump, who came to power with the promises that “the USA will no longer be the world's commissioner,” presents a completely different ambition, even worse than commissioner-ship, as "power" to the world. World leaders who hope to benefit from this imbalance and uncertainty, forget about protecting international law and the world's future, and support our world being dragged toward a great unknown with the ambitions of “how can we profit from this chaos.” As Türkiye, we must be ready for this chaos, instability, and threats. There is no longer a possibility like stopping for us. We must start Türkiye’s march immediately! A Türkiye that sits on solid foundations in the economy, industry, agriculture, and energy, and most importantly, increases its democratic and legal power, is no longer a choice but a necessity.

In this regard, I want to call out to those who govern our country; the seats you love so much, fear losing, and for whose sake you put people like us who burn with love for Türkiye into prison have a purpose. Türkiye must be strong! This Dark Order you carry out with bribery, favoritism, rent-seeking, and influence peddling is moving Türkiye backward, forget about stopping it. For Türkiye’s march, democratic capacity, legal order, and allocation of resources to correct areas are required. We need to realize new industrialization and national agriculture moves, and increase our energy independence and defense capacity. Your seats are not more valuable than the future of Turkish youth. Let’s create a fair election order, let’s respect the will of the nation, and no matter who wins, let’s make a great march for Türkiye all together! The Republican People's Party’s preparation for Türkiye’s march is complete! We have a debt to our ancestors, to our people, and to our children who are the owners of the future. We need to be a Türkiye that the whole world will take as an example. And let’s not forget; service to the homeland is the "pigeon's necklace" (the mark of duty) of difficult days.

“The main threat for Türkiye is not ISIS and the YPG, but the inability to provide stability in Syria”

“Without inclusive democratic representation and legitimacy in Syria, central authority stays upright by force”

Q: In your opinion, are ISIS and the YPG threats of equal strength against Türkiye? If one constitutes ‘more of a threat’ than the other, why?

Before answering your question, I would like to commemorate with mercy our police officers who were martyred in the clash with ISIS member terrorists in Yalova. ISIS and the YPG are not of equal strength. They are not the same kind of threat either. ISIS became a direct and sudden threat for Türkiye. With its cell structure, foreign fighter networks, and mass terror attacks. Türkiye experienced this in a painful way. Examples like Suruç, Ankara, Reina remain in the memory of the state and society. ISIS's goal is not just the border line. It is the security of the daily life of society. The YPG issue, on the other hand, sits more under the heading of border security and long-term strategic risk for Türkiye. At the same time, the agreement process that the SDF (which includes the YPG) carries out with the Syrian government keeps the YPG in an area we need to focus on not only in the context of terror but also from a diplomatic perspective.

But the main threat is neither of the two. The main threat and risk is the inability to provide stability in Syria. The loss of central authority, the fragmentation of security, law, and public services. As long as this gap exists, ISIS weakens today, another organization emerges tomorrow. Tension occurs with the YPG today, another militia structure is born tomorrow. The map changes, the problem remains. Because the problem is not organization names, but the gap in central authority and legitimacy. Therefore, for Türkiye, permanent security depends on the establishment of a functioning state order in Syria. But what you call "state" here is not just a flag and an army; it is an order that produces political legitimacy, an inclusive management, a representation mechanism where local communities are connected to the system, an administration where law works and arbitrariness decreases. Without inclusive democratic representation and legitimacy in Syria, central authority stays upright by force. The order that stays upright by force also produces new breakaways. And new breakaways return as new threats to the Turkish border. For the brotherly Syrian people with its Arab, Kurd, Alevi, Sunni, Christian, Druze, and all communities, we should defend peace and stability, not chaos and crisis in Syria.

“I do not view the resolution commission as a place where my future is negotiated, nor will I allow it to be seen as such”

“We will continue to support the process; if they cannot handle it, we will come and solve it ourselves”

Q: You have supported from the beginning the latest resolution process that the government wing defines as ‘Terror-free Türkiye.’ But you were arrested just as the process started to move. CHP Group Deputy Chair Murat Emir, whom I spoke with for this column in recent weeks, somehow accepted that your imprisonment is an element that "pinches the hand" of the CHP regarding support for this process. From this perspective, do you see that table in Parliament as a critical element for your own future, for example?

Exactly as you said, we supported from the first day the process the government calls “Terror-free Türkiye,” and we continue to support it. We support the process because for us the end of terror, and the Kurdish issue being handled and discussed on the ground of law and politics without remaining in the shadow of weapons and conflict is a need of our country. Because it is like this, we did not see this issue as a matter of personal gain and future as the government party did. For us, ending terror and living one and together with our Kurdish citizens around the principle of equal citizenship is not a matter of party politics, but a matter of the country and state. Because we looked at the problem from this perspective, we supported the process from the beginning and we will continue to support it. Hopefully, the process is completed and conflicts become a thing of the past. We then talk about the Kurdish issue on the ground of law and politics like every issue of ours. But let everyone be at ease. If this government cannot handle it, we will come and solve it ourselves.

On the other hand, while supporting the process, we will not give up on struggling for Türkiye’s other problems related to democracy. The terror issue, the Kurdish issue—these are our most important issues, correct. But we have other major issues as well. We will not remain spectators to those who open their mouths being thrown into prison, to journalists, politicians, and artists being filled into prisons. We will not say “Here, the country is yours, do what you want” to this government that throws its rival into prison with fabricated reasons upon realizing it will lose the elections and harasses the rival party with the stick of the judiciary. We will struggle to prevent these from happening. As a matter of fact, for this reason, when the process started, we said we saw the process not just as a “Terror-free Türkiye” process but as a “Terror-free and Democratic Türkiye” process and we invited everyone to adopt this perspective.

Finally, let me state this: I place great importance on the work of the commission established for the process. I hope the commission completes a work that can ensure the end of terror and pave the way for correcting our democracy's other major troubles. However, I do not view the commission as a place where my future is made a subject of negotiation, nor will I allow it to be seen as such. I do not negotiate with anyone on this matter. I don't, because my being in prison is not a personal matter. The matter is related to Türkiye and our democracy. The matter is not my being in prison, but Türkiye having turned into one big prison.

“A process where everyone feels equal citizenship—from their language to their culture and beliefs—will provide Türkiye with its greatest leap forward”

“As Demirtaş said, we should meet at an Amedspor-Trabzonspor match in Diyarbakır”

“We have to leave personal ambitions aside and start a great change”

Q: In the ‘process report’ submitted by the CHP to the Office of the Speaker of the TGNA, a framework related to Türkiye’s general democratization emerged rather than a specific resolution of the Kurdish issue. Why can’t the CHP, which constantly talks about its “historical responsibility” regarding the resolution of the Kurdish issue, make proposals that go beyond the government? Especially after having politically paid the price for the relationship it established with Kurdish voters and the HDP/DEM since 2018…

I think it needs to be well understood how we view the Kurdish issue. The view toward the Kurdish issue should be different in this country. It is in need of a definition different from examples in the world. It should be handled carefully with its sociological characteristics. It is essential to stay away from a language and attitude that is divisive with political motives and a fanatic point of view, and that touches the nerve endings of society.

Unlike many ethnic problems experienced in the world, the periods of historical divergence belonging to the Kurdish-Turkish relationship in Türkiye are very few. In the thousand-year history of Anatolia, it is possible to see an intense unity of destiny in the flow of the Seljuk, Ottoman, and Republic of Türkiye. With the migration of millions of citizens, we can see the intertwined Turkish-Kurdish life unity. Today it is possible to say that the largest part of the Kurdish population is in the west of Türkiye. I served as a mayor in Istanbul, where there is the largest Kurdish population in the world and in Türkiye. For this reason, it is necessary to underline the sociological fusion characteristic that strengthens the geographical integrity of our country.

This togetherness has grown family togetherness along with neighborliness and fellow-townsmanship. For long years we have been witnessing the marriage of millions of Kurdish-Turkish couples. In its most sacred form, family togetherness is a very strong foundation of these lands. As in my own core family, we witness this as 86 million.

At the same time, the capital unity from economy to agriculture, from trade to production, and the homogeneous structure in the free market has created opportunities for our country’s fusion. In large cities including Istanbul, people from every region show presence with their investor identities. It is possible to see that Kurds are among the leading business people as well.

Another important element of the Turkish-Kurdish togetherness is the unity of belief and culture shared for over a thousand years. It is the reality of these lands that this situation has accelerated the transition to life integrity and reached the phase of continuing their traditions together. These advantages that provide social integrity in Türkiye are special to these lands. They are unique to our 86 million citizens. This great civilization unity feeds from the thousands of years of human history existing in Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and Thrace. It is our responsibility to draw a roadmap by strengthening the spirituality and values we have grown within ourselves. The accumulations of historical figures, saints, and scholars who lived in these lands should be our guide. Anatolian wisdom and our people's virtue should be our light and protective power.

The atmosphere and multiple crises created by the freak regime Türkiye is in are the greatest problem of society. In the solution of the Kurdish issue, there is an urgent need for a strong democratization, legal arrangements, defining the principle of separation of powers, and escaping from this atmosphere without squeezing the matter into a security position. 103 years ago, with the establishment of the Republic of Türkiye, we opened a new page. We experienced a great change that carried our state tradition to the sovereignty of the nation. The understanding of “Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the nation” and the view of “Peace at home, peace in the world” of Atatürk, the founder of the Republic, have offered us tremendous opportunities. Our political history flowing from Sultanate to Republic and to the multi-party period has taught us to look at the past with respect and to learn from mistakes.

In this critical period, a process that will guarantee our national unity, where every citizen will feel equal citizenship from their language to their culture, from their belief to their traditions, will provide Türkiye with its greatest leap forward. What we need is to crown the Republic with democracy. We should take the necessary steps from development to production, from technology to social state policies without hesitation.

As Mr. Demirtaş said, we should meet at an Amedspor-Trabzonspor match in Diyarbakır. We should watch our national matches all together in Van, in Şanlıurfa. We must throw the empty agendas that tire us into the trash with our flag we hoisted together, with the integrity of the homeland and the unity of the nation; we must leave personal political ambitions on the dusty shelves of history and start a great change.

If we want a permanent peace, we must clearly demonstrate that the solution of the Kurdish issue will be provided through the democratization of Türkiye. With these aspects, the report we submitted to the commission is a very comprehensive and important report that highlights the democratization moves we thought were missing in the commission. Along with all these, I have full faith that our valuable members of parliament serving in the commission will fulfill a successful and pioneering contribution in the joint report process regarding the completion of the organization’s dissolution, the complete burning of weapons, the status of organization members, and the execution and rehabilitation processes after dissolution.

You say we pay a price, correct. But every price we have paid and will pay for the happiness of Türkiye and our nation is the most beautiful legacy we will leave to our children.

“We set out on this path by risking paying every kind of price; we are in no position to count the days right now”

Q: Both while you were out and while inside, you frequently made calls for Selahattin Demirtaş to regain his freedom. Demirtaş’s imprisonment will complete its 10th year in 2026. Do you think a similarly long process might be waiting for you?

First of all, let me say this; the nearly ten-year imprisonment of Selahattin Demirtaş is a burning situation that reveals what the government’s understanding of law is like. His inability to regain his freedom despite the binding decisions of the ECHR and the giving of new sentences against him are clear evidence of the political conspiracies the government carries out through the judiciary. The turning of imprisonment into a punishment for Demirtaş, Figen Yüksekdağ, Osman Kavala, Tayfun Kahraman, Can Atalay, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, and many more politicians and rights defenders, while releases are easily given to those who commit murders the moment they get out or terrorists who kill police, is clear evidence that the judicial reforms and state of law sentences the government doesn't stop talking about are just words. Our nation sees and knows this too. That’s why it is with us every day in the squares in the struggle for justice…

As for me, I personally do not feel fear. When setting out on this path, we set out by risking paying every kind of price. Therefore, we are in no position to count the days right now. The task of turning this country back from the edge of the cliff was entrusted to us by our nation. This is the task of providing equality in democracy, justice, and prosperity. And I set out by entrusting myself to the nation. Because at the same time, they are trying to put a mortgage on the nation’s will with these judicial coups. But I just said it. Our nation does not accept its will being taken captive and is giving a struggle for justice and democracy with us. With this struggle, I believe that in a not-so-distant future, with the first elections to be held, our nation will show its will at the ballot box as well, the use of the judiciary as a political stick will end, and our people will regain their freedom.

My only concern is related to how we can remain clean, with our heads high and our conscience clear, while trying to repair the destruction this tyrannical government has created in every field from law to economy, from the fair sharing of prosperity to social corruption with its arbitrary management. Because our issue is not just to change the government; we want to ensure that this country reaches a state of law and that the design of the judiciary by politics is prevented. We want to bring our country to days where everyone feels equal and safe before justice.

“Countries like ours need international law the most”

“When great powers stretch the rule, you are the first to pay the cost”

“Actions like what was done to Maduro should be clearly criticized”

Q: Özgür Özel criticized Ankara’s watching in a kind of silence the kidnapping of Maduro and his wife on the instructions of US President Donald Trump and their being taken to New York to be tried there. Erdoğan, on the other hand, criticized Özel instead of Trump. Why is Trump’s unpredictability a foreign policy dilemma for Türkiye? What would you do in Erdoğan’s place, for example?

Maduro and his wife being taken from Caracas by a US military operation and subjected to a judicial process in New York means the crossing of a threshold in an unacceptable way in terms of interstate relations. And countries like ours need international law the most. When great powers stretch the rule, you are the first to pay the cost. Therefore, such actions should be clearly criticized. Whatever the reason, the violation of international law and a country’s violating another country’s sovereignty is not legitimate. Both our Chair and I pointed this out.

Mr. Trump’s unusual political attitude damages the diplomatic ground. It shortens the shelf life of commitments. Maybe they don't realize it, but the USA also faces the possibility of suffering from this in the long run. Every country has the right to struggle for its interests, but a struggle that highlights rulelessness can also lead to fragile victories where you cannot guarantee the gains you obtained.

Crises can be born “suddenly one night.” Even a small sign makes the market, defense planning, and alliance relations pay a cost. But I have always underlined this. Countries whose internal legitimacy is weak, economy is fragile, and institutions are controversial are leaned on more harshly. They increase pressure where they see the weak point. The way to resist pressures coming from outside is to raise our resilience as a nation. It is to grow internal peace, legal security, and institutional predictability. It is important to reduce vulnerabilities in the economy so as not to remain “indebted” to anyone. Keeping the defense and intelligence capacity alive, on the other hand, is of vital importance. The inconsistency that occurred immediately after the crisis is the result of inconsistent decisions shown in a series of events. To not experience this is possible not by clearly saving the day, but by not deviating from values with a reputable, institutional, and visionary foreign policy language, and by not zigzagging.

“One who seeks authorization from the West cannot write a text whose main argument is democracy”

“Because today, some of the Western capitals find it easy to do business with authoritarian leaders”

“The Transatlantic bond is not a badge determining identity for Türkiye, but an important pillar of the concrete security architecture”

“For us, the critical distinction is this: to be a reliable member, not an obedient one”

“If you give an opening, you become one who seeks legitimacy outside; you return from negotiation tables being flattered but with empty hands”

Q: In the article you wrote in December for Foreign Affairs, which is seen as one of the organs of the American establishment, you put forward that a democratic restoration is possible again in Türkiye’s second century and that only in this way can the country become a “stable regional actor and a reliable member of the transatlantic alliance.” These lines were interpreted by pro-government people in Türkiye as sending a message to Western capitals saying “I am ready for duty.” How do you view the “authorization from the West” theories that are quite popular in Türkiye?

This claim is inconsistent within itself. One who seeks authorization from the West cannot write a text whose main argument is democracy. Because today, some of the Western capitals find it easy to do business with authoritarian leaders. If authorization is to be sought, “democracy” would be an unproductive area to reach them.

The real issue is this. The Transatlantic bond is not a badge determining Türkiye’s identity. It is an important pillar of Türkiye’s concrete security architecture. Black Sea security, deterrence, defense planning and infrastructure, intelligence, and interoperability are still proceeding over this strategic line. Here, for us, the critical distinction is the difference between a “reliable member” and an “obedient member.” Reliability means being predictable. It means making decisions based on rules. It means being a state where institutions function. Alliance is not a command-and-control relationship. We want a partnership with bargaining power. Democratic restoration is a foreign policy issue exactly for this reason. Democracy and law are necessary not to look cute to the outside, but to grow legitimacy, state capacity, and resilience inside. As legitimacy and institutional power increase, openness to external pressure decreases. This is also the place where great powers who want to test their power attack the most. Weak internal order, fragile economy, personalized foreign policy. When you do not give an opening in these areas, external uncertainties harm you less. If you give an opening, you become one who seeks legitimacy outside. You return from negotiation tables being flattered but with empty hands.

The same logic also strengthens Türkiye’s strategic options. Being able to talk with China, with Russia, with the Gulf, with Africa is valuable. Already, our state has existing relations, projects, and goals in these regions. This is not a slogan related to “not choosing sides.” It is risk management. Having different options in a period where trade, energy flow, crises, and wars proceed simultaneously is an element of power. The message I underline is this: Türkiye can be both a reliable ally of the transatlantic alliance and a country that can establish equal partnerships with the global south. In fact, these two feed each other. A democratic and predictable Türkiye becomes more respected and effective within NATO. The same Türkiye can also be a more credible partner in the global south.

Legitimacy, law, democratic capacity, economic resilience. If these exist, you are not indebted to anyone. If these don't exist, even if you talk about independence with the loudest voice, your bargaining power drops.

Q: Why is it important to have your article published in the Financial Times, The New York Times, or Foreign Affairs? Do you think it is not possible under today's conditions to become a “leader” with the support of the people inside without international recognition?

Leadership is of course established with the support of the people. It is approved by the ballot box. Anyway, everyone knows that it is not us but those in power who fear the ballot box. Throughout our entire political struggle, we took our legitimacy from the nation, we practiced politics together with our nation. But one fact needs to be put forward; Türkiye’s internal struggle is not only watched inside. All democrats in the world are closely following the struggle we give. This is not something that happens with our encouragement. Türkiye is a country that is wondered about by the whole world. Naturally, we will also express our opinion, our views, and what we experience outside as well.

In these articles, we never complained about our country to the outside, we determined our own opinion and position. We wanted to share the goals we have grown for our country with the world public as well. Outlets like the Financial Times, The New York Times, or Foreign Affairs are important for this reason. A text published there gives a clear answer to the question “What is the CHP’s route?” It makes visible Türkiye’s will for the state of law, predictability, and return to rules. This is not just an image issue. The existence of this will is important. It is important that this will is known to be still here by the whole world. This is not just my struggle, this is our nation’s historical struggle for democracy. My goal is to make this struggle visible everywhere in the world. I see myself as one of the carriers of that word, that voice, and I will take Türkiye’s desire for democracy, the conscience of democracy to everywhere I can. I know very well that our struggle will inspire and give courage to all peoples in difficult situations under authoritarian regimes, and that Türkiye will be an example to the whole world.

“If you try to show the deliberate and insincere compliments made to you as the badge of your world leadership, you fall into a ridiculous situation”

Q: From a reverse perspective… Actually, President Erdoğan also becomes the subject of a similar discussion from time to time. For example, it was speculated that Erdoğan received authorization from US President Donald Trump regarding your arrest. Even American Senator Chris Murphy joined these speculations. Did you have such an impression?

I do not dwell much on such claims. We witness in the crudest way that the USA takes a close interest in the internal affairs of other countries and tries to direct developments in line with its own national interests. Every country with the power can try to do this. What’s important is not to be open to such manipulations coming from outside, to react to them, and to keep our country’s interests above everything. If you allow a joke about you knowing very well how to interfere with elections in your country to be made to a leader of a country in front of the whole world, you also become exposed to all kinds of speculation. If you start to take pleasure in deliberate and insincere compliments made to you and try to show them as badges of your world leadership, you fall into a ridiculous situation.

The opposing thought exceeded 70% after the arrest, 80% not believing in justice, my becoming a presidential candidate with 15.5 million votes, tens of millions being on the street, in the square, in action for 10 months, my being supported with 25.1 million signatures... This makes the political will that took this decision and the one who gave the instruction even more ridiculous.

“Yes, the form of relationship with the West strengthens Erdoğan’s hand, it reduces the cost of authoritarianization”

“The selective silence of capitals is a problem”

Q: Would you agree with those who believe that the relationship mechanics Erdoğan established with the West eases his hand in the background of his authoritarianization?

Yes, it strengthens his hand. Because the form of relationship with the West reduces the external cost of authoritarianization. The West has long been acting with a transaction language based on interest rather than a language of values. Manage migration. Don't disrupt security. Don't break the energy flow. Don't lock the supply chain. When these priorities come to the fore, the internal pressure is pushed to the background. The reaction weakens. The government also reads this as a signal. If the price is low, the severity increases. This relationship also works like a shield inside. He uses the negotiation with the outside to produce legitimacy inside. Criticism is presented as an “attack on the country” and almost as treason. Law does not function. This also chokes democratic oversight.

Selective silence is another problem. Capitals that talk harshly one day and remain silent the next day feed the perception of “look, they accept it” inside. Even if there is no real approval, the perception is enough. The result is clear. As the bar drops outside, the price of pressure inside drops. Therefore, the issue of democracy, law, and institutions is no longer just an ideal. It is a security issue. A country that is not solid inside cannot establish bargaining power outside. A country that is solid inside, on the other hand, gives no opening to anyone. Moreover, those who are in an aura of legitimacy at the relationship table outside or those who create legitimacy inside with negotiations outside bring their legitimacy to rock bottom in the presence of 86 million.

“Maybe we will talk about 2022-2023 in hindsight after the change starts in Türkiye”

Q: I want to take you back to December 14, 2022, a bit more than three years ago. Maybe the first thing that signaled these days was the “fool case” (ahmak davası). That day, CHP Chair Kılıçdaroğlu was in Germany even though he knew the decision would be announced. The first one who came to your side was Meral Akşener. Meral Hanım had told me herself, at that point she was of the opinion that you should be declared the ‘candidate.’ The question is: if that day and the following 48 hours had been experienced differently, how would life have flowed for you or for Türkiye? Does this question ever come to your mind?

The years 2022-2023 are important pages in terms of Turkish politics and history that need to be handled in a multi-faceted way with their different aspects, topics, and interlocutors. However, we experienced such a wild and difficult-to-describe 2024-2025 in Türkiye that today I think our fundamental issue is to talk about the future of Türkiye’s politics based on justice and democracy in 2026 and 2027, not 2022-2023. Maybe we will talk about those dates in hindsight after we achieve change in Türkiye. Now we will look ahead saying "full steam ahead."

“One who trusts their indictment broadcasts the trials live; if there is law, evidence talks; if not, history talks”

Q: In the indictment against you, there are not only abstract political evaluations. Certain tender processes, money flows, chains of instruction, and the intra-municipal hierarchy are described in detail, and in this file, statements given under ‘active repentance’ by at least 75 people, including those who worked with you for a long time, hold an important place. Do you believe that all of these people really gave these statements due to pressure?

The İBB was audited hundreds of times by public auditors during the six years I served. In none of these audits is there a trace of the crimes alleged today. For some reason, the moment my presidential candidacy started to be talked about, things that could not be found in the past suddenly emerge. Is there any side to this that fits reason and the ordinary course of life?

The prosecution taking 2019 as the milestone is not a coincidence either. We won Istanbul that year; now the file is being written backward politically. So I ask. Where is the concrete evidence in the indictment? Which tender was conducted contrary to the law, which money flow was proven?

A large part of this file is based on statements formed with pressure and threats, and part of it with promises such as release or being removed from the case. Beyond talking about those who resort to this, the place where our country has been dropped needs to be talked about. People are being threatened with their families, their jobs, their freedom. Witnessing the methods of street gangs within the judicial mechanism today is shameful on behalf of this country. Our demand is clear! Instead of trying to design politics in courtrooms, come before the nation at the ballot box. If there is law, evidence talks; if not, history talks.

Where we stand is very clear. One who trusts their indictment broadcasts the trials live. We would answer all of the allegations there, in front of the nation. It is now meaningless to answer slanders one by one. Those who cannot dare to broadcast live already accept that this file is a mass of nonsense.

“That day, I saw that surprise and embarrassment in the faces of our police brothers who came to our door at dawn as well”

Q: Adem Soytekin claimed in his statement that you and your team knew the operation would happen. Did you know? For example, did you decide to film that video beforehand?

The government’s attacks against us, the obstacles it tried to establish through law, started on the first day we were elected. We were faced with a government mind that first showed as if it won the election it couldn't win by hanging billboards, and then cancelled the election because for some reason only one of the four ballots thrown into the same envelope was considered invalid.

Afterward trials, efforts to bring a political ban… Which one should I count? That’s why of course we had evaluations that the dose of attacks would increase, especially with our starting the primary election campaign. However, in a country with such a deep state tradition and a strong political experience, no one would think or predict that an operation with hundreds of police would be carried out at dawn at the home of a metropolitan municipality mayor who won the elections by a wide margin with great favor just a year ago. I saw that surprise and embarrassment in the faces of my police brothers who came there as well. My wife Dilek also described that morning. If you look at the sadness in her eyes and the crack in her voice, it is possible for you to understand the emotion we experienced. Let me say that from this aspect it was not a decision taken beforehand. It was a sight that should not have been inflicted upon our beautiful country and our nation. Let me emphasize once again. Those who did this were convicted in the conscience of the nation. They will always remain so!

I am a politician who always prefers to talk with my nation at breaking moments. Both when they cancelled the 2019 elections and on the morning after the night we lost the 2023 elections, my first task was to talk with my nation. On that morning, which will pass into our democracy history like a black mark, I decided to film the video at that moment. I adopted as a principle for myself to always practice politics with the nation. I did not lean my back anywhere other than the nation. That day, when the police showed up at the door, I did not want to go without pouring my heart out to my nation. I was performing a public duty representing their will and I had put forward my candidacy for another duty. Therefore, I entrusted myself to the most reliable place, the conscience of the nation, and left my home like that. I also saw how right I was in trusting. I am grateful to all of them for their love, support, and for protecting justice, democracy, and this country.

“Özgür Özel and I are sentenced to a long journey; there can be no question of a gap widening between us, we will never be defeated by political engineering!”

Q: The CHP has emerged from a very harsh year of testing. But 2026 is frankly not expected to be much different. As time passes, there are those who think the gap between you and Chair Özgür Özel will widen. Do you see such a possibility?

Chair Özgür Özel and I set out on a journey around the cause of Türkiye becoming a free, fair, and prosperous country for everyone, not around our personal gains. In the words of the poet, we are “sentenced to a long journey.” The first destination of this journey was around the change of the CHP. This change brought us great success in the 2024 local elections immediately after the 2023 election defeat that produced traumatic results for a large part of our nation. It made our party the leading party after years. The other destination is success in the general elections. For this, I am in the dungeon, and He is at the head of our party; we are carrying out a struggle together with our nation in all four corners of the country.

The target of our comradeship is clear, the way is clear. Therefore any widening of a gap etc. cannot be a question. While the country is in this state, and while our nation has expected us to undertake a great responsibility, we have no choice but to stand tight. Let no one expect anything else in vain. The government’s judicial conspiracies have not broken our bond. We will never be defeated by their political engineering! All together with this belief, solidarity, and common mind, we will crown this journey with a great victory on behalf of our nation. I have no doubt. We are two leaders connected to each other with our ideals and our spirit, walking a determined path with a relationship of friend, comrade, and brother that has no precedent in history in the struggle for Türkiye’s future. We are sure that history will write this sincerity and our successes with their most beautiful results. I believe in this and I pray for it.

“I know very well where to stand with caution”

Q: Did this process harden you politically or did it make you more cautious?

Those who interfere with the will and rights of the nation and the future of our children, who deepen the livelihood struggle our people experience and make the rich richer and the poor poorer with an intense wealth transfer order, will always receive the answer they deserve from us. However, it should not be forgotten that as a politician who has governed Istanbul—the world's largest and most beautiful city—for six and a half years and who has undertaken a critical task like a presidential candidacy, I also know very well where to stand with caution.

We are a party preparing for power while performing the main opposition duty in the best way. We act with state sensitivity and nation awareness. For these reasons, it is not the attacks of those in power but the essence of the struggle we are carrying out for the future of the state and the nation that determines the severity of our political attitude. Our struggle is a struggle not of destroying but of building; not of giving poison to hearts but of giving the cure. Rumi says “It is the rain that grows the flowers, not the thunder.” Hopefully, we will reach the drops of great rain. Let the thunder stay away from us.

“On paper there may be similarities between me and Erdoğan”

“But if there is a situation of inability to tolerate, it is because our differences are seen by the people”

Q: There is a comparison made very often in political circles and even on the street. It must have reached your ears as well. Your style of establishing a relationship with the street and practicing politics is compared to Tayyip Erdoğan. There is a serious mass that finds characteristics like your coming from a conservative family and your understanding of trade to be similar, and those who think this way also believe that Erdoğan cannot tolerate you for exactly this reason. What would you like to say to those who believe in this assumption?

On paper there may be similarities. Our being from the Black Sea region, our coming from trade... These may seem common. Yes, I am from Trabzon. I am proud of this. But if I were from Batman, I would have been proud of that too; if I were from Aydın, too. Because I love my country with everything, with every part of it. Thanks to this love, I served all my fellow Istanbul citizens for years. I prefer to make unifying, embracing, moderate statements. I condemn statements that increase polarization and marginalize voters who do not vote for him, and I absolutely do not find correct this management form that separates our 86 million citizens.

If there is a situation of inability to tolerate, which I also believe to be the case, the reason for this is not the existence of similarities; on the contrary, it is the clear and intense visibility of the differences by our people. Our nation sees very clearly who marginalizes and insults our citizens who do not vote for him every time he gets behind a microphone, who fuels inequality, and who turns his rivals whom he couldn't defeat in election squares into political captives by imprisoning them through the judiciary. Youth, women, mothers, fathers, workers, academics, minimum wage earners, retirees... All segments of our nation…

I am someone who believes in the rule of law instead of Palace law, who defends social justice, adopts a management model where balance and oversight prevail, is transparent and based on merit, and believes in pluralist democracy values. Thanks to all these differences I defeated him four times at the ballot box, and I will defeat him in the fifth as well. Therefore, there is nothing that requires those who defend social justice, a populist perspective, a transparent and merit-based management model, and who believe in the rule of law to have doubt in us or in our politics!